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Prof. Krugman,
As you say the arguments on the shortcomings of European EMU as an OCA have been known ever since the early 1990s. If a group of economies are very open and trade in differentiated products, then as they are exposed to asymmetric shocks, they must have flexible wages and prices, high labour mobility, or alternatively, there must be some form of homogeneity and/or solidarity to ensure that transfers from one country to another balance the asymmetric shock. Otherwise one group of countries benefits from the union at the detriment of another. This is simple enough and it is what is taught in every decent manual on the economics of the EU. Moreover, it is easy to see how France and Germany might initially have benefitted from Greece's fiscal crisis. After all a cheaper € makes for more competitive exports.
What no one seems to focus a tremendous amount is on the merits of the Euro. First of all, the public and the commentators seem to have forgotten about all the exchange rate crises of the 1970s-1990s. Increased trade interdependencies expose EU member states to each other's bad governance, forcing to create arrangements to protect themselves from each other. The ERMs and the EMS were the first attempts at dealing with this issue, but proved incomplete at best, leading to the creation of the €. If the latter was to disappear, then we'd be back to the early 1990s.
Finally, speaking as a Portuguese and as a social scientist I must also admit that the euro also presents a welcomed pressure for necessary economic reform. By creating a tighter system of monitoring between the member states, it divulges more information about the quality of their performance. If for the € to work, it requires a strengthening of internal monitoring and if this increases the pressures for rationalisation of policy making and reform, then I can only conclude that the € is positive for its less efficient member states.
It seems that European integration happens through trial and error along a fairly clear integrationist path. As with any other polity, decision makers tweak and fine tune the machine. When each monetary mechanism failed after another, the argument for the € became more and more credible. Now that the consequences of the shortcomings of the Stability and Growth Pact have been brought to light, the structure will be kept with enhanced powers and institutional support, and my guess is that sooner rather than later there will be a certain amount of fiscal powers transferred to Brussels in order to fulfil the OCA.
On the USA though, by the standard of its time the country would not have been seen as any more homogenous than the Hapsburg Empire, with all its religions and languages (English, German, French). Moreover until the Civil War most Americans considered themselves first and foremost Virginians, New Yorkers, etc, and only after that Americans. Yet the dollar, fragile though it may have been, existed before the 1870s. The EU in that sense is not very different from the early USA or India, although we do not have a military threat as a catalyst for integration.
Before I conclude, I would like to add that the issue of labour mobility is limited first and foremost by language diversity. This however seems to be a decreasing problem as the vast majority of Europeans are now adopting English as their second language, thus making it the continent's "lingua Franca". This should solve the issue of labour mobility in the next 2 to 3 generations.
To conclude, just because the €zone is not an OCA, it is not automatically undesirable. Moreover just because it is now a second best option, it does not mean that it will not become a first best option in the future, as labour mobility will increase and as geographical automatic stabilizers will start to play a bigger role "
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